A group of Democratic and Republican lawmakers are pushing President Obama to do more to prevent attacks against Christians in Iraq, reports the Hill. Almost two months after a shocking attack on a Catholic Church left 53 people dead, Iraqi Christians celebrated a low-key and somber Christmas, afraid to expose themselves to new attacks. The church where the attack took place carried out daytime mass with "security fit more for a prison than a house of worship," notes McClatchy. The lawmakers want more attention to be paid to the plight of religious minorities in Iraq, particularly considering that U.S. influence in the country continues to decline as the pullout date draws near. When the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003, there were 1.4 million Christians in the country; since then, the number has dwindled to 400,000.
When there was talk of including end-of-life planning as part of the health-care overhaul, the debate soon devolved into claims that the government wanted to create "death panels" that would decide whether someone deserved to live or die. The patently ridiculous claims that likened the measure to supporting euthanasia got so much traction that the issue was dropped from the final legislation. Yet the White House is moving forward with the idea, including it in Meidcare coverage through regulation. Starting early next year, doctors will get paid to advise patients on "end-of-life care," reports the New York Times. Supporters of the move have mostly stayed silent, hoping to avoid the same controversy that played out last year
Patients taking placebos don't have to think they're getting real drugs to enjoy the placebo effect. A new study published in the journal PLoS reports on patients who had irritable bowel syndrome and were told they were being given a placebo as part of a novel experiment. They took pills from a big bottle clearly marked "placebo"—and got better, anyway. "In addition to the bogus medication, the volunteers were given a true story—the story of the placebo effect," Steve Silberman explains explains on the PLoS blog. "The combination of the story and a supportive clinical environment were enough to prevail over the knowledge that there was really nothing in the pills. People in the placebo arm of the trial got better—clinically, measurably, significantly better—on standard scales of symptom severity and overall quality of life. In fact, the volunteers in the placebo group experienced improvement comparable to patients taking a drug called alosetron, the standard of care for IBS." Scientists believe the remarkable findings are the result of the body's "powerful self-healing network," which can be activated by "nothing more or less than a belief that one is receiving effective treatment." And while placebos aren't going to replace pharmaceuticals any time soon, Silberman calls the development "good news to anyone but investors in Pfizer, Roche, and GlaxoSmithKline."
Sheriff Joe Arpaio is certainly in the holiday spirit! The notorious Arizona sheriff held a Christmas-caroling contest at the Maripoca County Jail this week. He played Simon Cowell and inmates played eager supplicants, only instead of a record deal, they were trying to win "an edible Christmas dinner." According to a press release put out by Maricopa County Sheriff's Office, in "a move likely to make Ebenezer Scrooge smile," Arpaio rewarded the winner (accused murderer Jodi Arias) and her cellmates with a Christmas meal of "off-the-bone turkey, real mashed potatoes, and Christmas cookies -- a treat not usually served in Joe's 'tough but humane' jails." Everyone else will be eating a donated meal that "vaguely resembles an average Christmas meal." Competition for the Christmas cookies was fierce; 50 inmates tried out for the talent show. They were winnowed down to 10 finalists, who performed earlier this week for three judges: Arpaio, "Santa," and "Elfis, the singing detention officer." The Christmas caroling was recorded and will be broadcast for the entire inmate population on Christmas day.
Throughout the year, lawmakers have received cash from donors right around the time they're writing or voting on new laws. Such moves are discouraged since ethics watchdogs say that even if there's nothing necessarily illegal about the practice it can raise questions about the motivations to approve or reject certain measures. Indeed, after a probe, a congressional investigative office warned over the summer that these types of moves could violate ethics rules, notes the Washington Post. "Citizens generally feel this kind of thing falls between the bookends of 'icky' and 'bribery,' " said David Levinthal, a spokesman for the Center for Responsive Politics. Yet the desperate desire for more campaign cash often ends up trumping ethical concerns. Over three weeks, the 35 members of a conference committee charged with drafting a compromise bill on Wall Street reform received almost half a million dollars in donations. That was hardly the only case. "The Washington Post found that the pattern of crunch-time fundraising has continued this year."
The Drug Enforcement Administration has grown into a global intelligence organization that isn't only concerned with fighting against the trafficking of narcotics, leaked diplomatic cables reveal. The DEA now has a presence in 63 countries and works closely with governments around the world as its responsibilities have grown to also cover terrorism. In fact, its intelligence organization is so extensive that officials have had to deal with requests by foreign politicians to expand wiretapping services to hurt political adversaries, reports the New York Times. Panama's president sent a BlackBerry message to the U.S. ambassador that read: "I need help with tapping phones." In Paraguay, an official threatened to shut down DEA operations unless they approved a request to wiretap an insurgent group
The year end is a busy time for almost everyone. As we use our smartphones to confirm online gift orders, we're also trying to wrap up those work tasks we should have finished in November. We feel overwhelmed but also productive, pleased with our ability to juggle so many things. In reality, however, that sort of behavior makes us less effective in our jobs and our lives.
Based on over a half-century of cognitive science and more recent studies on multitasking, we know that multitaskers do less and miss information. It takes time (an average of 15 minutes) to re-orient to a primary task after a distraction such as an email. Efficiency can drop by as much as 40%. Long-term memory suffers and creativity—a skill associated with keeping in mind multiple, less common, associations—is reduced.
We have a brain with billions of neurons and many trillion of connections, but we seem incapable of doing multiple things at the same time. Sadly, multitasking does not exist, at least not as we think about it. We instead switch tasks. Our brain chooses which information to process. For example, if you listen to speech, your visual cortex becomes less active, so when you talk on the phone to a client and work on your computer at the same time, you literally hear less of what the client is saying.
Why do we try?
Our brains are wired to respond strongly to social messaging, whether it is verbal or non-verbal. Knowing and improving our status, expanding awareness of our group, is important to us, and as a result information that helps us do that is often processed automatically, no matter what else we are trying to focus on.
Remote distractions, the ones aided by technology, are often unaware of current demands on us. People who call you at work, send you emails, or fire off texts can't see how busy you are with your current task. Nor can Twitter feeds or email alerts. As a result, every communication is an important one that interrupts you.
Also, we crave access to more information because it makes us comfortable. People tend to search for information that confirms what they already believe. Multiple sources of confirmation increase our confidence in our choices. Paradoxically, more information also leads to discomfort, because some of it might be conflicting. As a result, we then search for more confirmatory information.
What can we do about it?
Technological demands are here to stay. What can you do to avoid overload?
First, make an effort to do tasks one at a time. Stick with one item until completion if you can. If attention starts to wane (typically after about 18 minutes), you can switch to a new task, but take a moment to leave yourself a note about where you were with the first one. Then give the new task your full attention, again for as long as you can.
Second, know when to close your door. In the "old days," people did this when they had to work hard on something. Doing the same thing to the electronic equivalent is perhaps even more important if you want to be productive and creative. Set aside time when people know you are going to focus.
Third, admit that not all information is useful. Consider which communications are worthy of interrupting you, and what new data you should seek out. When doing a Google search, ask if you are just accessing links that confirm what you already believe or those that challenge those beliefs. Similarly, know the difference between social networks, which are likely to confirm your choices and therefore make you feel good, and knowledge networks, which might challenge them, and therefore help you make a better decision.
Paul Atchley, Ph.D. is an associate professor of Cognitive Psychology at the University of Kansas.
By James Ryerson Posted Tuesday, Dec. 21, 2010, at 10:42 AM ET
The following is adapted from "A Head That Throbbed Heartlike: The Philosophical Mind of David Foster Wallace," an introduction to Wallace's undergraduate honor thesis in philosophy, which has just been published by Columbia University Press as Fate, Time, and Language: An Essay on Free Will.
I. "A special sort of buzz"
When the future novelist David Foster Wallace was about 14 years old, he asked his father, the University of Illinois philosophy professor James D. Wallace, to explain to him what philosophy is, so that when people would ask him exactly what it was that his father did, he could give them an answer. James had the two of them read Plato's Phaedo dialogue together, an experience that turned out to be pivotal in his understanding of his son. "I had never had an undergraduate student who caught on so quickly or who responded with such maturity and sophistication," James recalls. "This was this first time I realized what a phenomenal mind David had."
The experience seems to have made an impression on David as well. Not long after he arrived at Amherst College in the early 1980s, he developed a reputation among his professors as a rare philosophical talent, an exceptional student who combined raw analytical horsepower with an indefatigable work ethic. He was thought, by himself and by others, to be headed toward a career as a professor of philosophy. Even after he began writing fiction, a pursuit he undertook midway through college, philosophy remained the source of his academic identity. "I knew him as a philosopher with a fiction hobby," Jay Garfield, a professor now at Smith College who worked with Wallace at the time, remembers. "I didn't realize he was one of the great fiction writers of his generation with a philosophy hobby."
For most of college, Wallace's main philosophical interests were in the more technical branches of the subject, such as mathematical logic and the philosophy of language. One semester, he took a seminar on the philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein, whose early work grapples with the writings of Gottlob Frege and Bertrand Russell, two of the founders of modern logic. As Wallace recollected in 1992 in a letter to the novelist Lance Olsen, he was "deeply taken" in the seminar with Wittgenstein's first book, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921). Along with its controversial arguments about the nature and limits of language, the Tractatus introduced some indisputable formal innovations, including a method of analyzing the propositions of modern logic by way of "truth tables." To some, the book might have seemed forbiddingly spare and exacting; Wallace remembered being moved by its "cold formal beauty." When the seminar moved on to Wittgenstein's so-called late philosophy, in which he repudiates the ideas and austere methodology of the Tractatus in favor of new assumptions and a looser, less mathematical style, Wallace was not immediately impressed. He wrote to Olsen that at first he found Philosophical Investigations, the crowning statement of the late philosophy, to be "silly."
Wallace would later identify his attraction to technical philosophy in aesthetic terms: It was, he suggested, a craving for a certain kind of beauty, for the variety of imaginative experience characteristic of formal systems like mathematics and chess. In an interview with the literary critic Larry McCaffery published in 1993, Wallace explained that as a philosophy student he had been "chasing a special sort of buzz," a flash of feeling whose nature he didn't comprehend at first. "One teacher called these moments 'mathematical experiences,' " he recalled. "What I didn't know then was that a mathematical experience was aesthetic in nature, an epiphany in Joyce's original sense. These moments appeared in proof-completions, or maybe algorithms. Or like a gorgeously simple solution you suddenly see after filling half a notebook with gnarly attempted solutions. It was really an experience of what I think Yeats called 'the click of a well-made box.' The word I always think of it as is 'click.' "
For his honors thesis in philosophy, Wallace continued to chase the click, writing a highly specialized, 76-page work on the metaphysical doctrine of fatalism (which holds, quite radically, that human actions and decisions have no influence on the future). Brace yourself for a sample sentence: "Let Φ (a physical possibility structure) be a set of distinct but intersecting paths ji – jn, each of which is a set of functions, L's, on ordered pairs (
II. An "artistic and religious crisis"
One of the many impressive aspects of Wallace's work on the thesis was that he was able to sustain his philosophical focus long after having begun a countervailing transformation: from budding philosopher to burgeoning novelist. The transition was set in motion toward the end of his sophomore year, when a bout of severe depression overcame him. He left school early and took off the following term. Wallace would suffer from depression for much of his life, and he tended to avoid public discussion of it. On a rare occasion in which he did allude publicly to his hiatus from Amherst, in his interview with McCaffery about a decade later, he described the episode as a crisis of identity precipitated by mounting ambivalence about his future as a philosopher. "I was just awfully good at technical philosophy," he said, "and it was the first thing I'd ever been really good at, and so everybody, including me, anticipated I'd make it a career. But it sort of emptied out for me somewhere around age twenty."
A debilitating panic followed. "Not a fun time," he went on. "I think I had a kind of midlife crisis at twenty, which probably doesn't augur well for my longevity." He moved back home to Illinois, "planning to play solitaire and stare out the window," as he put it—"whatever you do in a crisis." Though he now doubted that he should devote his life to philosophy, he was still drawn to the topic and found ways to engage with it, even dropping in on a few of his father's lectures at the university, where he monopolized the discussion. "He came to some of my classes in aesthetics, and tended to press me very hard," James Wallace told me. "The classes usually turned into a dialogue between David and me. The students looked on with 'Who is this guy?' looks on their faces."
During this time, Wallace started writing fiction. Though it represented a clean break from philosophy, fiction, as an art form, offered something comparable to the feeling of aesthetic recognition that he had sought in mathematical logic—the so-called click. "At some point in my reading and writing that fall I discovered the click existed in literature, too," he told McCaffery. "It was real lucky that just when I stopped being able to get the click from math logic I started to be able to get it from fiction." When he returned to Amherst, he nonetheless resumed his philosophical studies (eventually including his work on Taylor's "Fatalism"), but with misgivings: he hoped he would ultimately be bold enough to give up philosophy for literature. His close friend Mark Costello, who roomed with him at Amherst (and also became a novelist), told me that the shift was daunting for Wallace. "The world, the reference, of philosophy was an incredibly comfortable place for young Dave," he said. "It was a paradox. The formal intellectual terms were cold, exact, even doomed. But as a place to be, a room to be in, it was familiar, familial, recognized." Fiction, Costello said, was the "alien, risky place."
Wallace's solution was to pursue both aims at once. His senior year, while writing the honors thesis in philosophy, he also completed an honors thesis in creative writing for the English Department, a work of fiction nearly 500 pages long that would become his first novel, The Broom of the System, which was published two years later, in 1987. Even just the manual labor required to produce two separate theses could be overwhelming, as suggested by an endearingly desperate request Wallace made in a letter to William Kennick, the Amherst professor who had taught his Wittgenstein seminar. "Since you're on leave," he wrote, "are you using your little office in Frost library? If not, does it have facilities for typing, namely an electrical outlet and a reasonably humane chair? If so, could I maybe use the office from time to time this spring? I have a truly horrifying amount of typing to do this spring—mostly for my English thesis, which has grown Blob-like and out of control—and my poor neighbors here in Moore are already being kept up and bothered a lot."
Despite the heavy workload, Wallace managed to produce a first draft of the philosophy thesis well ahead of schedule, before winter break of his senior year, and he finished both theses early, submitting them before spring break. He spent the last month or so of the school year reading other students' philosophy theses and offering advice. "He was an incredibly hard worker," Willem deVries, a philosopher now at the University of New Hampshire and the principal adviser on Wallace's thesis, told me, recalling the bewilderment with which he and his fellow professors viewed Wallace. "We were just shaking our heads." By the end of his tenure at Amherst, Wallace decided to commit himself to fiction, having concluded that, of the two enterprises, it allowed for a fuller expression of himself. "Writing The Broom of the System, I felt like I was using 97 percent of me," he later told the journalist David Lipsky, "whereas philosophy was using 50 percent."
Given his taste for experimental fiction, however, Wallace didn't assume, as he prepared to leave Amherst, that he would be able to live off of his writing. He considered styling himself professionally after William H. Gass, the author ofOmensetter's Luck (a novel Wallace revered), who had a Ph.D. in philosophy from Cornell and whose "day job" was teaching philosophy at Washington University in St. Louis. Wallace toyed with applying to Washington University for graduate school so he could observe Gass firsthand. But in the end, he chose to attend the University of Arizona for an M.F.A. in creative writing, which he completed in '87, the same year he published The Broom of the System and sold his first short-fiction collection, Girl with Curious Hair.
Even with those literary successes, however, Wallace soon suffered another serious crisis of confidence, this time centered around his fiction. He later described it as "more of a sort of artistic and religious crisis than it was anything you might call a breakdown." He revisited the idea that philosophy could provide order and structure in his life, and that year he applied to graduate programs at Harvard and Princeton Universities, ultimately choosing to attend Harvard."The reason I applied to philosophy grad school," he told Lipsky, "is I remembered that I had flourished in an academic environment. And I had this idea that I could read philosophy and do philosophy, and write on the side, and that it would make the writing better."
Wallace started at Harvard in the fall of '89, but his plan quickly fell to pieces. "It was just real obvious that I was so far away from that world," he went on. "I mean, you were a full-time grad student. There wasn't time to write on the side—there was 400 pages of Kant theory to read every three days." Far more worrisome was the escalation of the "artistic and religious crisis" into another wave of depression, this time bordering on the suicidal. Late that first semester, Wallace dropped out of Harvard and checked into McLean Hospital, the storied psychiatric institution nearby in Massachusetts. It marked the end of his would-be career in philosophy. He viewed the passing of that ambition with mixed emotions. "I think going to Harvard was a huge mistake," he told Lipsky. "I was too old to be in grad school. I didn't want to be an academic philosopher anymore. But I was incredibly humiliated to drop out. Let's not forget that my father's a philosophy professor, that a lot of the professors there were revered by him. That he knew a couple of them. There was just an enormous amount of terrible stuff going on. But I left there and I didn't go back."
III. "INTERPRET-ME fiction"
Though Wallace abandoned it as a formal pursuit, philosophy would forever loom large in his life. In addition to having been formative for his cast of mind, philosophy would repeatedly crop up in the subject matter of his writing. His essay "Authority and American Usage," about the so-called prescriptivist/descriptivist debate among linguists and lexicographers, features an exegesis of Wittgenstein's argument against the possibility of a private language. In Everything and More, his book about the history of mathematical ideas of infinity, his guiding insight is that the disputes over mathematical procedures were ultimately debates about metaphysics—about "the ontological status of math entities." His article "Consider the Lobster" begins as a journalistic report from the annual Maine Lobster Festival but soon becomes a philosophical meditation on the question, "Is it all right to boil a sentient creature alive just for our gustatory pleasure?" This question leads Wallace into discussions about the distinction between pain and suffering; about the relation between ethics and (culinary) aesthetics; about how we might understand cross-species moral obligations; and about the "hard-core philosophy"—the "metaphysics, epistemology, value theory, ethics"—required to determine the principles that allow us to conclude even that other humans feel pain and have a legitimate interest in not doing so.
Those are just explicit examples. Wallace's writing is full of subtler philosophical allusions and passing bits of idiom. In Infinite Jest, one of the nine college-application essays written by the precocious protagonist, Hal Incandenza, is "Montague Grammar and the Semantics of Physical Modality"—a nod to Wallace's own philosophy thesis. A story in his short-fiction collection Oblivion, "Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature," shares its title with the 1979 book of anti-epistemology by the philosopher Richard Rorty. The story "Good Old Neon" invokes two conundrums from mathematical logic, the Berry and Russell paradoxes, to describe a psychological double bind that the narrator calls the "fraudulence paradox." At the level of language, Wallace's books are peppered with phrases like "by sheer ontology," "ontologically prior," "in- and extensions," "antinomy," "techne."
Perhaps the most authentically philosophical aspect of Wallace's nonfiction, however, is the sense he gives his reader, no matter how rarefied or lowly the topic, of getting to the core of things, of searching for the essence of a phenomenon or experience. His article on the tennis player Roger Federer delves into the central role of beauty in the appreciation of athletics. His antic recounting of a week-long Caribbean cruise penetrates beneath the surface of his own satirical portrait to plumb a set of near-existential issues—freedom of choice, the illusion of freedom, freedom from choice—that he saw lurking at the heart of modern American ideas of entertainment. "I saw philosophy all over the place," DeVries, his former professor, said of Wallace's writings. "It was even hard to figure out how to single it out. I think it infuses a great deal of his work."
As far as Wallace's fiction is concerned, the most philosophically intriguing text is the novel he wrote when his own philosophical efforts were most intense: The Broom of the System. In some way—though it's not obvious at first in what way—the book is clearly supposed to be "about" Wittgenstein's philosophy. The plot follows a young switchboard operator named Lenore Stonecipher Beadsman as she searches for her great-grandmother, a former student of Wittgenstein's at Cambridge University who has disappeared from her nursing home. Gramma Beadsman had been a dominant and intellectually bullying figure in Lenore's life, forever hinting that she would prove to Lenore "how a life is words and nothing else"—a haunting suggestion that seems to be the source of Lenore's persistent anxiety that she herself might be just a character in a novel. Gramma has left behind in her desk drawer several objects that are potential clues to her disappearance, including a copy of Philosophical Investigations.
The Broom of the System takes its title from a philosophical lesson that Gramma Beadsman once imparted to Lenore's younger brother, LaVache. While sweeping the kitchen floor with a broom, Gramma asked LaVache "which part of the broom was more elemental, more fundamental," the handle or the bristles? LaVache replied that the bristles are the essence of a broom. But Gramma corrected him, insisting that the answer depends on the use to which the broom is being put: if you want to sweep, the bristles are the essence—in effect, the meaning—of the broom; if you want, say, to break a window, its essence is the handle. "Meaning as use," Gramma intoned. "Meaning as use." The reader familiar with Wittgenstein will recognize in Gramma's words the governing slogan of his late philosophy: "the meaning of a word," he wrote in the Investigations, "is its use in the language."
In his letter to Lance Olsen, Wallace revealed that Gramma Beadsman was "based loosely" on Alice Ambrose, "a very old former Smith professor who lived near me"—Smith College is part of the Five Colleges consortium to which Amherst belongs—"and had been one of the students whose notes were comprised by Witt's Blue and Brown books." Though Wittgenstein's late philosophy was published posthumously, parts of it were available during his lifetime in the form of two sets of students' notes known as the "Blue Book" and the "Brown Book"; the "Brown Book" notes were dictated to Ambrose and another student, Francis Skinner, during classes at Cambridge in 1934–35. As the great-granddaughter of Alice Ambrose/Gramma Beadsman, Lenore, like Wallace himself, is the descendent of a philosopher with an amanuensis-like connection to Wittgenstein: James Wallace's mentor, Norman Malcolm, served as the sounding-board and assistant for the writing of Wittgenstein's final philosophical work, On Certainty.
By the time Wallace started writing Broom, he had developed a serious interest in Wittgenstein's late philosophy. As his relationship with technical philosophy cooled, he became increasingly curious about approaches to philosophy that, for all their differences with one another, were united in their opposition to the kind of work with which he previously self-identified. He was intrigued not only by Wittgenstein's late philosophy but also by J. L. Austin's "ordinary language" philosophy and even Jacques Derrida's radical conception of philosophy as a metaphysically arrogant form of literature.
Those new curiosities about the relation of language to reality mark another point of connection between Wallace and his character Lenore, who worries that language suffuses reality to the point of constituting it. Indeed, at the simplest level, Lenore just is Wallace, and The Broom of the System is just a fictionalized retelling—a "little self-obsessed bildingsroman," Wallace called it—of the intellectual struggles he was then undergoing, struggles not only between philosophy and literature but also between technical philosophy and its philosophical alternatives. "Think of The Broom of the System," he told McCaffery, "as the sensitive tale of a sensitive young WASP who's just had this mid-life crisis that's moved him from coldly cerebral analytic math to a coldly cerebral take on fiction and Austin-Wittgenstein-Derridean literary theory." This transformation, he explained, had a disturbing side effect, shifting the young WASP's "existential dread from a fear that he was just a 98.6-degree calculating machine to a fear that he was nothing but a linguistic construct." Lenore, with her apprehension that she may be nothing more than a character in a novel, is giving voice to Wallace's own anxieties about crossing into a wholly new relationship with language.
Understanding The Broom of the System as an autobiographical roman à clef is a useful first step in grasping Wallace's literary-philosophical aims, but his engagement with Wittgenstein's philosophy was a more profound and lasting affair than that reading alone suggests. In both his early and his late work, Wittgenstein addressed the doctrine of solipsism, the philosophical position that holds (in its most radical form) that nothing exists apart from your own mind and mental states. Like fatalism, solipsism is an extreme and counterintuitive view that is nonetheless difficult to disprove. Also like fatalism, it was an idea that bewitched and bothered Wallace, absorbing his intellect and artistic imagination and becoming a lifelong fascination. In his interview with McCaffery, Wallace said that "one of the things that makes Wittgenstein a real artist to me" is the handling of solipsism in his work. In Broom, Wallace sought to do some measure of novelistic justice to this aspect of Wittgenstein's thought.
Broom, then, belongs to the genre of the novel of ideas—books like Voltaire's Candide and Jean-Paul Sartre's Nausea, which all but instruct the reader to interpret them in light of certain schools of thought. (Candide is usually read as a parody of Leibnitz's metaphysics, Nausea as a vision of Sartre's existentialism.) In his essay "The Empty Plenum," published in 1990, Wallace called this genre of writing "INTERPRET-ME fiction" and argued that it had a special role to play in the life of the mind. As he knew from chasing the "click" in math and technical philosophy, there are areas of inquiry that might seem remote from the concerns of everyday life but that can, in fact, offer an array of intimate emotional and aesthetic experiences. Even for the reader with an appetite for it, however, a theoretical work can be so intellectually taxing, so draining of one's mental energies, that what Wallace called the "emotional implications" of the text are overlooked. The novel of ideas is at its most valuable, he contended, not when making abstruse ideas "accessible" or easy to digest for the reader, but rather when bringing these neglected undercurrents to the surface.
Wallace wrote "The Empty Plenum" in Boston in the summer of 1989, as he readied himself to begin the philosophy program at Harvard. The essay is an extended appreciation of David Markson's novel Wittgenstein's Mistress ("a work of genius," in Wallace's estimation), which came out in '88, a year after The Broom of the System, and which was also "about" Wittgenstein's philosophy. It was an emotional reckoning, as Wallace read it, with the discussion of solipsism in Wittgenstein's early work. Wallace felt that Markson's novel had succeeded in uniting literature and philosophy in a way that he, in Broom, had tried but failed to do. (Wallace pronounced Broom "pretty dreadful.") The circumstances in which Wallace was writing the essay only underscored for him the importance of Markson's accomplishment. As Wallace prepared to seek a renewed merger of philosophy and fiction in his own life, at Harvard, he celebrated Markson as a novelist who, with the utmost artistry, had already fused the two. In defiance of "the rabid anti-intellectualism of the contemporary fiction scene," Wallace wrote, Markson had demonstrated the still-vital role of the novel of ideas in joining together "cerebration & emotion, abstraction & lived life, transcendent truth-seeking & daily schlepping." Markson had delivered on Wallace's literary-philosophical ideal of "making heads throb heartlike."
IV. "A kind of philosophical sci-fi"
To understand the philosophical ambitions of Broom it is worth first looking in detail at what Wallace thought Markson had done. Markson's novel, a work of experimental fiction with a lean style reminiscent of Samuel Beckett, is narrated by a painter named Kate, who appears to be the last person alive and who has been alone on earth for many years by the time the novel opens. Kate doesn't so much narrate (for she has no audience) as write into the void, tapping out on a typewriter declarative statement after declarative statement in simple paragraphs of just one or two sentences. Unlike many novels of ideas, Wittgenstein's Mistress doesn't feature cerebral characters or lofty discussions. Though Kate makes highbrow allusions, her grasp of history and literature and philosophy is idiosyncratic and shaky. As Wallace noted, in Kate's hands intellectual ideas are "sprayed, skewed, all over the book."
After many years roaming the earth, futilely looking for anyone else, Kate has retired to a beach house, where she is writing out her thoughts. She does so with a peculiar controlled indirection, free-associating but looping back again and again to a recurring set of personal preoccupations—compulsively trying to keep straight the memory of what has been lost, organizing and reorganizing scattered memories of her own life and her piecemeal knowledge of the world to which she once belonged:
I do remember sitting one morning in an automobile with a right-hand drive and watching Stratford-on-Avon fill up with snow, which must surely be rare.
Well, and once that same winter being almost hit by a car with nobody driving it, which came rolling down a hill near Hampstead Heath.
There was an explanation for the car coming down the hill with nobody driving it.
The explanation having been the hill, obviously.
That car, too, had a right-hand drive. Although perhaps that is not especially relevant to anything.
The possibility increases that Kate's narration is unreliable, that she is mentally unhinged, as it becomes clearer that the onset of her peculiar experience of the world coincided with a profound personal loss. The book imparts a double-layered feeling of loneliness and isolation: Kate's is the voice of a writer trapped not only inside her own head but also inside a world that now exists only through her own continual reconstructing of it. The text she types, Wallace wrote, "is itself obsessed & almost defined by the possibility that it does not exist, that Kate does not exist."
What does any of this have to do with Wittgenstein? Part of the achievement of Markson's novel, one of the ways in which it avoids the pitfalls of many novels of ideas, is that it doesn't require any understanding of Wittgenstein. The novel operates on its own terms. But the allusion to Wittgenstein in its title, its repeated citation of the first sentence of the Tractatus ("The world is all that is the case"), and its stylistic affinity with that book (the Tractatus is also composed of short aphoristic paragraphs) all invite the reader versed in philosophy to wonder what Markson is up to. "This isn't a weakness of the novel," Wallace stressed. "Though it's kind of miraculous that it's not."
Wallace had read the Tractatus, of course (he wrote to Lance Olsen that he thought its first sentence was "the most beautiful opening line in western lit"). He knew that Wittgenstein's book presented a spare and unforgiving picture of the relations among logic, language, and the physical world. He knew that the puzzles solved and raised by the book were influential, debatable, and rich in their implications. But as a flesh-and-blood reader with human feelings, he also knew, though he had never articulated it out loud, that as you labored to understand the Tractatus, its cold, formal, logical picture of the world could make you feel strange, lonely, awestruck, lost, frightened—a range of moods not unlike those undergone by Kate herself. The similarities were not accidental. Markson's novel, as Wallace put it, was like a 240-page answer to the question, "What if somebody really had to live in a Tractatusized world?" Pronouncing the novel "a kind of philosophical sci-fi," Wallace explained that Markson had staged a human drama on an alien intellectual planet, and in so doing he had "fleshed the abstract sketches of Wittgenstein's doctrine into the concrete theater of human loneliness."
V. "The loss of the whole external world" The particular form of "human loneliness" to which Wallace was attuned was the sense of seclusion suggested by solipsism. Kate, Markson's narrator, seems to be in a situation like this, her world constituted entirely by her mental states. She shares this predicament with the traditional metaphysical subject of epistemology—the knowing consciousness, the "I" of Descartes's "I think, therefore I am"—who begins his intellectual journey trapped in his own mind, concerned that everything might just be a figment of his imagination (though he ultimately builds his way out of those confines to reach the external world). Wittgenstein, in the Tractatus, runs into the concern that his argument leads to solipsism—and his striking response is to agree, after a fashion, that it does. "There's a kind of tragic fall Wittgenstein's obsessed with," starting with the Tractatus, Wallace explained to McCaffery. "I mean a real Book-of-Genesis-type tragic fall. The loss of the whole external world."
How did Wittgenstein get to this point? The Tractatus is concerned with a disarmingly basic question: How is language possible? When we consider the world around us, everything seems to interact with everything else causally, in accordance with the laws of nature. The exception is a certain strange thing we call language, which somehow manages to interact with other things in the world in an entirely different way: it represents them meaningfully. The ability to represent things allows us to communicate, enables us to deal with things that are not actually presentto us, and provides the fabric of our mental life, our daily thoughts. But how is it, exactly, that language produces meaning?
In the Tractatus, Wittgenstein argues that for words to represent things, for sentences to stand for states of affairs, language and reality have to share something in common. To explain what this commonality is, he introduces his so-called picture theory of meaning. An ordinary spoken or written sentence, he contends, when properly analyzed or disassembled into its component bits, reveals an elementary structure of logical parts and factual parts. This elementary structure, he argues, literally pictures reality: objects in the world correlate with the words in the sentence, and the relations among and between objects in the world correlate with the relations among and between the words in the sentence. A sentence has a certain elementary structure; things in the world can stand to one another in a certain structure; the identity of these two structures simply is meaning. A meaningful sentence depicts a possible state of affairs in the world; a meaningful and true sentence depicts an actual state of affairs in the world; anything in language that does not depict a possible state of affairs—that is, anything that does not depict possible fact—is, strictly speaking, meaningless.
Wittgenstein draws from the picture theory of meaning some arresting philosophical conclusions. The Tractatus regards as nonsensical, as literally meaningless, any claim that cannot be reduced to discrete facts about things in the world—for instance, any statements about ethics or aesthetics ("goodness" and "beauty" don't refer to actual things or properties). Another such type of nonsense, according to Wittgenstein, are metaphysical statements, claims about the supernatural, say, or the nature of the world as a whole. How language relates to reality—the very subject of the Tractatus—is itself, however, a concern about the world as a whole. This is the central irony of the Tractatus: its own claims are, strictly speaking, meaningless. They can be used only to try to show, but never to state, anything true. (This is the source of Wittgenstein's famous parting image of his book as a ladder that his reader must "throw away" after "he has climbed up it.")
For Wallace, the most disquieting feature of the Tractatus was its treatment of solipsism. Toward the end of the book, Wittgenstein concludes, "The limits of my language mean the limits of my world." This is a natural corollary of the picture theory of meaning: Given that there is a strict one-to-one mapping between states of affairs in the world and the structure of sentences, what I cannot speak of (that is, what I cannot meaningfully speak of) is not a fact of my world. But where am "I" situated in this world? By "I," I don't mean the physical person whom I can make factual reports about. I mean the metaphysical subject, the Cartesian "I," the knowing consciousness that stands in opposition with the external world. "Where in the world," Wittgenstein writes, "is a metaphysical subject to be found?"
On the one hand, the answer is nowhere. Wittgenstein can't make any sense of the philosophical self—any talk of it is, strictly speaking, nonsense. On the other hand, Wittgenstein can get some purchase on this question. He draws an analogy between the "I" (and the external world) and the eye (and the visual field): Though I cannot see my own eye in my visual field, the very existence of the visual field is nothing other than the working of my eye; likewise, though the philosophical self cannot be located in the world, the very experience of the world is nothing other than what it is to be an "I." Nothing can be said about the self in Wittgenstein's philosophy, but the self is mademanifest insofar as "the world is my world"—or, as Wittgenstein more strikingly phrases it, "I am my world." This, he declares, is "how much truth there is in solipsism."
"I am my world" is what Wallace had in mind when he spoke of "the loss of the whole external world" in the Tractatus. There is no difference, ultimately, for Wittgenstein between solipsism and realism (solipsism "coincides with pure realism," he writes). For Wallace, this was a harrowing equation, the dark emotional takeaway of the Tractatus's severe anti-metaphysics. This was also, for Wallace, what Markson had rendered imaginatively in his novel. Without ever raising these ideas explicitly, Markson had conveyed them with a special kind of clarity. Wittgenstein's Mistress, by echoing the Tractatus's brusque, dreamlike sentences and placing Kate in a cold, lonely, self-as-world cosmos, had managed, as Wallace put it, to "capture the flavor both of solipsism and of Wittgenstein." What's more, Wallace felt Markson had done something that even Wittgenstein hadn't been able to do: he humanized the intellectual problem, communicating "the consequences, for persons, of the practice of theory; the difference, say, between espousing 'solipsism' as a metaphysical 'position' & waking up one fine morning after a personal loss to find your grief apocalyptic, literally millennial, leaving you the last and only living thing on earth." That was something only fiction, not philosophy, could do.
Solipsism, sometimes discussed as a doctrine but also evoked as a metaphor for isolation and loneliness, pervades Wallace's writing. "Plainly, Dave, as a guy and a writer, had a lifelong horror/fascination with the idea of a mind sealed off," Mark Costello told me. "His stories are full of sealed-off people." The self-obsessing narrator of "Good Old Neon," who has committed suicide and addresses the reader from beyond the grave, says "you're at least getting an idea, I think, of what it was like inside my head," of "how exhausting and solipsistic it is to be like this." The high-school students at the tennis academy in Infinite Jest wrestle with the question, "how we can keep from being 136 deeply alone people all jammed together?"—a problem that one of them diagnoses in intellectual terms ("Existential individuality, frequently referred to in the West. Solipsism") and another in emotional ones ("In a nutshell, what we're talking about here is loneliness"). The novelist Jonathan Franzen, one of Wallace's close friends, has said that he and Wallace agreed that the fundamental purpose of fiction was to combat loneliness. The paradox for Wallace was that to be a writer called for spending a lot of time alone in one's own head, giving rise to the feeling, as he wrote in "The Empty Plenum," "that one's head is, in some sense, the whole world, when the imagination becomes not just a more congenial but a realer environment than the Big Exterior of life on earth."
VI. "The single most beautiful argument against solipsism that's ever been made."
Could solipsism be overcome? In The Broom of the System, Norman Bombardini, a very wealthy and very overweight man who owns the building in which Lenore works, bemoans what he calls "the Great Horror": the prospect of "an empty, rattling personal universe, one where one finds oneself with a Self, on one hand, and vast empty lonely spaces before Others begin to enter the picture at all, on the other." He devises a solution, a kind of spoof of the Tractatus's line "I am my world," which is to keep eating until he grows to infinite size, making himself coextensive with the world. (He calls the scheme "Project Total Yang.") Bombardini is only a minor character in the novel, and fittingly so, for the bulk of The Broom of the System is concerned not with the solipsism of early Wittgenstein but rather with the philosophy of the later Wittgenstein—who roundly rejected solipsism. Just as Markson conjured the solipsism of the Tractatus into an artistic creation, so too did Wallace hope to summon, in Broom, the anti-solipsistic worldview of Philosophical Investigations.
The Investigations offers a conception of language that is diametrically opposed that of the picture theory of the Tractatus. In Wittgenstein's early work, language is something sublime, logical, abstract—something with a defining structure or essence that, if you think hard enough, you can puzzle out in your head. In the Investigations, by contrast, language is seen as a messy human phenomenon, part of social reality—a rich variety of everyday practices that you figure out the way a child does, by publicly engaging in them, getting the hang of the unspoken rules by which communities use them. The shift in imagery is from language as a picture to language as a tool. This is the point of the Wittgensteinian mantra "meaning as use": If you want to understand the meaning of a word or phrase or gesture, you don't try to figure out what it represents; you try to figure out how to use it in real life. Wittgenstein called the rule-governed social practices that determine meaning "language games."
As Wallace was delighted to discover when he immersed himself in the Investigations later in college, the implications of this view for solipsism are potentially devastating. Given Wittgenstein's conception of language as a public phenomenon, whereby words get their meaning only by virtue of their shared use, what are we to make of the notion of a strictly private language, the voice of a solipsistic "I" who is speaking only to himself, in his own unique tongue, reporting private sensations and entertaining private thoughts in an otherwise barren world—the voice of a person living entirely in his own head? Wittgenstein's answer was that this idea, though seemingly viable, at least as a thought experiment, is in fact incoherent. The meaning of words is their use; the use of words is a matter of following rules; and following rules is entirely a social affair. There cannot be thought apart from the use of language—and language can operate only within a set of social practices. Thus there is no private thought without a corresponding public reality. "An 'inner process,' " as Wittgenstein put it, "stands in need of outward criteria." To phrase it in Cartesian terms: I think, therefore I am part of a community of others.
Wallace told McCaffery that Philosophical Investigations was "the single most beautiful argument against solipsism that's ever been made." Though the anti-private-language argument has been extraordinarily controversial, Wallace heralded it as though it were an indisputable mathematical proof. "The point here," he wrote in "Authority and American Usage," while giving a summary of Wittgenstein's argument, "is that the idea of a private language, like private colors and most of the other solipsistic conceits with which this reviewer has at various times been afflicted, is both deluded and demonstrably false." Solipsism was dead. Loneliness—at least that image of loneliness—was an illusion.
The defeat of solipsism was half of what Wallace sought to capture in Broom. But while Wittgenstein may have "solved" solipsism for Wallace, there was a catch—a final entangling conundrum with its own frightening implications—which Wallace also wanted to convey. On its face, the account of language in the Investigations seems pleasantly, reassuringly everyday: language is an ordinary, familiar, social, custom-bound human activity. But in other respects the account is quite extreme. Because all language and thought take place inside some language game or other, there is no transcendent, non-language-game standpoint from which you can step back, as it were, and see if any language game is better than any other—if one of them, for instance, does a better job of mirroring reality than another. Indeed, the question of whether any language game accurately represents reality can be asked only within some other language game, which operates according to its own set of nonevaluable conventions. In his early work Wittgenstein was in the business of stepping back from language, appraising its relation with reality, and pronouncing which uses connected us with something real and which did not; the Investigations is in another business altogether, describing without judging, merely "assembling reminders for a purpose," in Wittgenstein's phrase.
In Wallace's view, Wittgenstein had left us, again, without the possibility of contact with the outside world. As he told McCaffery, the Investigations "eliminated solipsism but not the horror." The only difference between this new predicament and that of the Tractatus was that rather than being trapped alone in our private thoughts, we were trapped together, with other people, in the institution of language. This was warmer than solipsism, but, as another form of being sealed-off from reality, it was cold comfort. Explaining this disheartening realization, Wallace said that "unfortunately we're still stuck with the idea that there's this world of referents out there that we can never really join or know because we're stuck in here, in language, even if we're at least all in here together."
In The Broom of the System, these two dueling emotional reactions—the fear of being trapped in language and the relief that at least we're all trapped in it together—are given playful expression. Lenore suffers from a fear, as she explains to her psychiatrist, that Gramma Beadsman is right that "there's no such thing" as "extra-linguistic anything." (Wallace's metafictional joke is that, for Lenore, as a character in a novel, there really isn't any reality of than language.) Lenore's boyfriend, a magazine editor named Rick Vigorous, soothes her throughout the book by compulsively telling her stories. Each of his stories is a not-so-thinly veiled allegory of the problems in their relationship, so that, even within the confines of the novel, Lenore and Rick become characters joined together in a reality constituted entirely by language. In the novel's climactic scene, a televangelist-charlatan named Reverend Sykes provides another image of this same double bind: escaping loneliness together in a language game, but sealed off from a higher reality. He asks the members of his TV audience to lay their hands on their TV screens in unison in order to commune with God—to join together in what he calls a "game" that will give everyone the consoling impression of making contact, together, with the ultimate transcendent referent. "So friends," Sykes says, "laugh if you will, but tonight I have a game for us to play together. A profoundly and vitally important game for us to play together tonight." His patter culminates in a three-sentence exhortation, the lines of which invoke the ideas of "meaning as use," language games, and the struggle against loneliness: "Use me, friends. Let us play the game together. I promise that no player will feel alone." Compared to the artful techniques of Markson's novel, these devices may seem clunky, but the intellectual aspiration was much the same.
It is worth noting that, in his discussions of Markson, Broom, and solipsism, Wallace was engaging throughout in what you might call a "strong misreading" of Wittgenstein's work. His explications of Wittgenstein's philosophy are not always convincing or strictly true. Highly questionable, for instance, is his assertion of what he called "the postmodern, poststructuralist" implications of the Investigations, which entail that we can't make true claims about the real world (a popular reading of Wittgenstein that many scholars hotly dispute). More straightforwardly wrong is Wallace's claim that Wittgenstein shared Wallace's own horror of the picture of the world in the Tractatus. Wallace told McCaffery that the reason Wittgenstein "trashed everything he'd been lauded for in the Tractatus" and developed the philosophy of the Investigations was that he "realized that no conclusion could be more horrible than solipsism." Wallace also contended, in "The Empty Plenum," that the impoverished role granted to ethics, aesthetics, and spiritual values in the Tractatus was "a big motivation" for its disavowal.
In truth, however, the biographical literature suggests that Wittgenstein was perfectly at ease with the solipsism of the Tractatus, as well as oddly, even mystically consoled by its suggestion that ethical, aesthetic, and spiritual truths are unutterable. As for the development of the late philosophy, it seems to have had its origins not in a fear of solipsism but rather in two deeply resonant objections: a technical criticism that the British mathematician Frank Ramsey made in 1923 about the Tractatus's treatment of the matter of "color-exclusion" and a playful challenge, posed by the Italian economist Piero Saffra, that Wittgenstein provide the "logical form" of a meaningful hand gesture.
It's possible that Wallace's own anxieties about being "trapped" in his own head colored or confused his reading of Wittgenstein—that he projected them, in philosophical terms, onto the Tractatus and the Investigations, resulting in an overemphasis on solipsism and giving Wittgenstein's treatment of the doctrine an alarmist, even hysterical cast. But given Wallace's otherwise sure-handed feel for philosophical texts, it seems likely that his distortions were at least in part intentional, offered in the service of artistic and emotional "truths." That would certainly be consistent with the ideal of fictionalized philosophy that he strove for in Broom and venerated in Wittgenstein's Mistress—a kind of writing that blended scholarly command and poetic reimagining.
Whatever the explanation for his preoccupation with solipsism in Wittgenstein, Wallace never abandoned his fixation on sealed-off people. Few readers of Infinite Jest will forget the lonely fate of the Hal Incandenza, who becomes so alienated from the world that his speech becomes unintelligible to others, or the lifeless zombiehood that befalls anyone who watches the novel's eponymous film, which is so entertaining that its viewer becomes incapable of doing anything other than watch it. But Mark Costello pointed out to me an important irony: for someone as obsessed with isolation as Wallace, he was "obviously a social novelist, a novelist of noticed details, on a near-encyclopedic scale." Where other novelists dealing with solipsism, like Markson and Beckett, painted barren images with small compressed sentences, Costello observed, "Dave tackled the issue by massively overfilling his scenes and sentences to comic bursting"—indeed to the point of panicked overstimulation. There was a palpable strain for Wallace between engagement with the world, in all its overwhelming fullness, and withdrawal to one's own head, in all its loneliness. The world was too much, the mind alone too little. "You can't be anything but contemptible living for yourself," Costello said, summing up the dilemma. "But letting the world in—that sucks too."
It's not exactly what you'd call an intellectual conundrum. But it was the lived one.
Posted by David Rosen and Bruce Kushnick on Alternet
This is a conservative estimate of the wide-scale plunder that includes monies garnered from hidden rate hikes, depreciation allowances, write-offs and other schemes. Ironically, in 2009, the FCC's National Broadband plan claimed it will cost about $350 billion to fully upgrade America's infrastructure.
The principal consequence of the great broadband con is not only that Americans are stuck with an inferior and overpriced communications system, but the nation's global economic competitiveness has been undermined.
In a June 2010 report, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) ranked the U.S. 15th on broadband subscribers with 24.6 percent penetration; the consulting group, Strategy Analytics, is even more pessimistic, ranking the U.S. 20th with a "broadband" penetration rate of 67 percent compared to South Korea (95 percent), Netherlands (85 percent) and Canada (76 percent). Making matters worse, Strategy Analytics projects the U.S. ranking falling to 23rd by year-end 2010.
But these are just overall statistics. Today, people in Japan, Korea, Europe and other countries get broadband services that are 100-mbps services in both directions for what we pay for inferior, Asymmetric Digital Subscriber line (ADSL), while in Hong Kong companies have started to offer 1-gigabit speeds.*
Part of the reason for this is these countries have sunk more fiber optical cable into the ground and connected more homes to the next-generation grid. According to the OECD, the U.S. ranks 11th with only 5 percent fiber penetration, compared to Japan (54 percent), Korea (49 percent) and European OECD countries (11 percent).
Another reason for the woeful state of U.S. broadband is that we have one of the slowest networks in the world. According to the technology company, Akamai, the U.S. ranked 22nd globally in average connection datarate speed, averaging only 3.8-mbps in Q-4 2009. In comparison, Korea's average datarate was nearly three-times faster (11.7-mbps), Hong Kong more then double (8.6-mbps) and Japan was at 7.6-mbps. A surprise to many, Romania had an average rate of 7.2-mbps and Latvia clocked at 6.2-mbps.
Screwed
Grand cons regularly screw Americans. Millions bet the lottery that never pays off; millions go to Las Vegas and Atlantic City hoping for the big score and leave with empty pockets; and millions bet big-time on a housing run-up and lost big, big time. Hustlers offer a zillion get-rich schemes over TV and the Internet that people accepted either out of naivety, greed or desperation. But one of the greatest -- and little reported -- scams perpetuated on the American public is the broadband con.
The scam was simple. Starting in 1991, Verizon, Qwest and what became AT&T offered each state -- in true "Godfather" style -- a deal they couldn't refuse: Deregulate us and we'll give you Al Gore's future. They argued that if state Public Utility Commission (PUCs) awarded them higher rates and stopped examining their books, they would upgrade the then-current telecommunications infrastructure, the analog Public Switched Telephone Network (PSTN) of aging copper wiring, into high-speed and two-way digital optical fiber networks.
State regulators, like state politicians, are seduced by the sound of empty promises -- especially when sizable campaign contributions and other perks come their way. Hey, what are a few extra bucks charged to the customer every month for pie-in-the-sky promises? And who cares about massive tax breaks, accelerated depreciation allowances and enormous tax write-offs? The promises sound good on election day and nobody, least of all the voter, reads the fine print.
The broadband con has been played out across the country. In California, Pacific Bell (now part of AT&T) claimed it would spend $16 billion and have 5.5 million homes wired by 2000. Instead, after a merger with SBC in 1997 (renamed AT&T in 2005), it secured state deregulation and simply stopped building out the fiber-based broadband infrastructure. On the East Coast, things were pretty much the same. Bell Atlantic, which covered New Jersey to Virginia and is now part of Verizon, claimed it would spend $11 billion and have 8.7 million homes wires by 2000. And in Connecticut, SNET (now also part of AT&T) promised to spend $4.5 billion and have the entire state rewired by 2007. In the mid-West, the story was similar. Ameritech (now part of AT&T and which controlled five states, including Illinois and Ohio) claimed they would have 6 million homes wired by 2000. For Ohio, Ameritech claimed it would rewire every school, library and hospital with fiber by 2000. None of these promises have been realized.
Over the last two decades, the telcos have engaged in a lot of sleight-of-hand tricks to make Americans believe that broadband was real and their service was the world's best. In 1996 the Internet hit and everyone wanted to go online. This migration to the World Wide Web was led, not by AT&T and Verizon, but by thousands of small and larger ISPs from AOL and Prodigy to over 9,500 small ISPs.
By 1998, not only did the telephone companies mostly stop building out their networks, but instead of rolling out the next-generation "info superhighway," they pulled a bait-and-switch and rolled backward, offering customers ADSL service, a watered-down "broadband" connection that runs on good old copper wire.
Another trick used by telecoms has been to submit to federal and state regulators falsified cost models, often lying to regulators and the public. For example, the great lie was voiced in 1991 when the telecom boldly announced the new broadband age based on technologies that they claimed capable of delivering 45-mbps bi-directional services, but the technologies didn't exist and couldn't work out at the cost models submitted. When pushed, the phone companies presented self-produced, self-funded or self-serving "research" by shill think-tanks to buttress their claim for higher rates.
Now, nearly two decades after Gore announced the Info Superhighway and the telcos secured deregulation to build out the next-generation communications infrastructure, the nation's two largest phone companies, Verizon and AT&T, have begun to seriously deploy fiber services. In 2004 and with much fanfare, Verizon introduced FiOS, a fiber-to-the-home service. Today, it claims only 3.6 million subscribers and new subscriptions have stalled.
AT&T, which originally promised to launch its advances service, U-verse, in 2006 in 15 markets, got it running in 2007 but in only 11 markets -- and then not through an entire market. As of the end of Q-2, 2010, it claimed 2.5 million subscribers. Sadly, the telecoms have only 6 million full broadband fiber subscribers as of 2010. What happened to the other 94 million households they promised to sign-up?
Americans have paid and paid again billions of dollars for an imaginary upgrade to create a fiber optic future. The estimate of $320 billion has already been collected which means that every household has paid almost $3,000 to upgrade the phone networks. The question no wants to really address is simple: What have Americans gotten for the telecom broadband rip-off?
Playing the con
In order to understand how the broadband con works, it is useful to examine how it has played out in one state and extrapolate this to the other 49 states. In this case, we will examine New Jersey as representative of a nationwide policy.
New Jersey state law requires that by 2010, 100 percent of the state is to be rewired with 45-mbps, bi-directional service. To meet this goal, Verizon collected approximately $13 billion in approved rate increases, tax break and other incentives related to upgrading the Public Switched Telephone Networks. To cover its tracks, Verizon submitted false statements year after year, claiming that it was close to fulfilling its obligations. For example, in its 2000 Annual Report, it claimed that 52 percent of the state could receive "45-mbps in both directions or higher."
Based on such false claims, Verizon has benefited for significant pricing increases for essentially inexpensive computerized services. For example, Call Waiting and Call Forwarding cost less then $.01 cent to offer yet the company charges $4-$7 for such features. In addition, fees for inside wiring went up to $7.00 from $1.25.
The company also benefited from more invisible perks. It secured massive write-offs on its network even though it wasn't being replaced; it actually secured a write-off of over 105 percent above the amount of construction. These write-offs helped save it billions in taxes. These factors have helped significantly heighten the company's Return on Equity, the standard measurement of profits, jump from 12-14 percent before deregulation to 30-40 percent.
But all this gets complicated as they are no longer required to submit full New Jersey annual or quarterly reports and the FCC's filing requirements stopped in 2007. So, in 2009, Verizon, New Jersey outlined financials showed a "net income" loss of $194 million dollars, and a $160 million "tax benefit" and a series of "affiliate transactions," meaning transferring expenses to the utility but without showing monies flowing back.
Verizon's New Jersey coverage is for approximately 3.2 million households, which represents about 3 percent of total U.S. households. Extrapolating from New Jersey, we estimate that Americans have been bilked of at least $320 billion since deregulation went into effect in the mid-'90s.
Digital Houdini
Federal and state regulators ignore the great telecom rip-off -- politicians simply get too many contributions from too many lobbyists to worry about their constituents' phone bills. Telephone companies have orchestrated a massive digital Houdini act in which they present an image of an essential service that offers customers more for less.
After almost 20 years of telecom deregulation, the American communications infrastructure is in shambles. The FCC's broadband plans are now in play. While much debate has taken place over the future of net neutrality, particularly in light of the Google-Verizon proposal to maintain Internet net neutrality on wireline distribution and end it on wireless communications, little attention has been paid to the never-ending rate hikes, failure to deliver on previous promises, poor state of fiber deployment, and into who pocketed the missing $320 billion in over charges.
In 1967, James Coburn stared in a wonderful satire, The President's Analyst, about the corrupting power of a secretive TPC, the phone company. The film pits the Central Enquiries Agency (CEA) against the Federal Bureau of Regulation (FBR), an all-male agency consisting of J. Edgar Hoover look-alikes all under five-foot-six-inches tall. In the intervening four decades, but especially since the break-up of AT&T in 1984 and deregulation starting in 1993, the power of the telecommunications companies, including the cable industry, has both increasingly grown and become increasingly invisible.
A century ago, giant corporate trusts dominated America's economic landscape. A century later, they are back in full force and even greater control over the nation's economic life and political culture.
(For more detailed analyses of the great broadband rip-off, visit www.teletruth.com.)
A renegade group of Republicans tasked with investigating the causes of the financial crisis plan to break away from the bipartisan committee and release a report blaming the meltdown on the Democrats, the Huffington Postreports. Instead of working with the five Democrats (and one Independent) on the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, the four GOPers are expected to conclude that the government was responsible for creating the housing bubble by inflating prices and encouraging Americans to buy homes. Led by former House Ways and Means Committee chairman Bill Thomas, the Wall Street-friendly report is also likely to downplay banks' role in the crisis. "During a private commission meeting last week," HuffPost's Shahien Nasiripour writes, "all four Republicans voted in favor of banning the phrases 'Wall Street' and 'shadow banking' and the words 'interconnection' and 'deregulation' from the panel's final report." Speaking to HuffPost, Democratic commissioner Brooksley Born said that the panel had gotten increasingly partisan in recent weeks, despite initial consensus among the 10 commissioners. "Certainly, it's hard to imagine Wall Street wasn't involved" in the crash, she said.
Left-leaning media outlets are acting like kids on Christmas morning in response to a new University of Maryland study that concludes that Fox News aficionados are the most uninformed news consumers in the country. "Misinformation and the 2010 Election" examined "variations in misinformation by exposure to news sources," specifically evaluating newspapers and news magazines, network news, NPR and PBS, Fox News, MSNBC, and CNN. Fox viewers were the most likely to believe false statements like "Most scientists do not agree that climate change is occurring," "The stimulus legislation did not include any tax cuts," "Income taxes have gone up," "The auto bailout only occurred under Obama," and "When TARP came up for a vote, most Republicans opposed it." Nobody's surprised, TPM sniffs. "Those who work for Fox News are not working for a journalistic enterprise", Andrew Sullivan sighs. "They are working for the communications department of a political party."
Pharmaceutical companies follow tight regulations when advertising in print or on TV, but things are a little looser in the wild world of social media, where Big Pharma can ply its products online without having to discuss their risks. But that's about to change. This month, the Food and Drug Administration is set to unveil new rules about how drugmakers sell themselves on Facebook, Twitter, and Google, roughly a year after authorites sent out letters warning 14 companies against "misleading" online advertising. Curiously, the push for regulation isn't coming from the government, Time Magazine notes, but from drug companies themselves, who want to distinguish themselves from rogue Internet pharmacies and are often reluctant to get into social media without knowing the rules. With more and more of the $4 billion spent annually on pharmaceutical advertising moving online, drugmakers are starting to realize that "if they can't fully participate in the social-media conversation, they get marginalized," says John Mack, publisher of Pharma Marketing Blog
Soon, Los Angeles school children may be scampering across playfields branded by major corporations, according to the Los Angeles Times. The L.A. Unified Board of Education voted on Tuesday to look to corporate sponsors for money to plug gaping budget deficits. Under the plan, sponsors could sign agreements up to $500,000 for the chance to brand auditoriums, athletic fields, and even marching band drums. "I'm uncomfortable with this," said board member Steve Zimmer. He pointed out, however, that the board has little alternative aside from laying off teachers. "The reality is public funding is not funding public education." School board members hope that the plan—which includes the possibility of placing branded food samples and corporate logos in cafeterias—could drum up as much as $18 million for schools, reports the New York Times.
It started out as a measure to protect gay rights. Now, France's 1999 civil unions system is all the rage with straight couples, reports the New York Times. The year after the system was instituted, more than 75 percent of civil unions were between a man and a woman. By 2009, that number had jumped to 95 percent. For couples disillusioned by matrimony, the civil union presents an appealing alternative. It allows couples tax benefits, residency permits, and eschews the pomp of marriage for a hassle-free appearance before a judge. Best of all, perhaps, it can be annulled by a single registered letter. While the popularity of "getting PACSed" (pacte civil de solidarité) soars, marriage in the country is all but moribund. In some parts of Paris, the number of couples opting for PACSs already outnumbers those choosing wedding bells. Nationwide, there are two civil unions for every three marriages. Sociologist Wilfried Rault says the French are eager to get away from an institution with heavy religious overtones. "Marriage bears the traces of a religious imprint," he said. "It's really an ideological slant, saying, 'No one is going to tell me what I have to do.' "
A Border Patrol officer working along the U.S.-Mexico border in Arizona was gunned down Tuesday in a firefight between several American agents and border bandits. Agent Brian Terry, 40, was killed. Officials have arrested four bandits and are still seeking a fifth. Border bandits, considered "the lowest of the low among criminals operating along the border," rob migrants and drug smugglers as they try to make their way through the deserts of Arizona. "This is the biggest scum that you are going to run up against," another agent said. Given that about 80 percent of the weapons used by Mexican cartels originated in the U.S., there's an excellent possibility that the gun that killed Terry was American-made. But the day after he was shot, the Washington Post published an in-depth investigation of the political power of the National Rife Association, concluding that "the gun issue is so incendiary and fear of the NRA so great" that federal attempts to stem the flow of guns from the U.S. to Mexico have "languished for months."
What with the printed word going the way of cuneiform, libraries in Toronto are trying to shake things up a bit. They've stocked their shelves with something new: people. Yonge Street's Paul Gallant describes a recent visit to a Tornoto library, in which he chatted with a 19-year-old with cerebral palsy: "I used my library card to check him out of the Bloor/Gladstone branch," he explains. "I have to 'return' himin a half-hour so another library user can check him out; you can't just pay a fine for the late return of a human book." The young man was a participant in the Human Library project, which brings together strangers of different backgrounds for presumably eye-opening conversations. The library acknowledges that this is a somewhat counterintuitive way to go about updating. "That kind of storytelling, from person to person, does harken back to centuries and centuries ago when a story was the only way to learn," a library spokeswoman said. "It's an old technology." But it works - the library's first event drew 200 patrons, "who checked out the likes of a police officer, a comedian, a sex-worker-turned-club-owner, a model and a survivor of cancer, homelessness and poverty." According to Gallant, "the library is considering make the program long-term, so a supply of human books will be regularly available to readers."
From: Malcolm Calder Date: 7 December 2010 17:52 Subject: Re: Palin Says She Could Beat Obama in 2012 Presidential Election
As horribly as Obama is screwing up -- handing the Republicans plenty of guns & ammo, then letting them blame him when he gets shot -- she might be right.
In agreeing the recent capitulation (calling it a "compromise") with Republicans, Obama said:
“I know there’s some people in my own party, and in the other party, who would rather prolong this battle. But I am not willing to let working families become collateral damage for Washington’s political warfare; it would be the wrong thing to do. The American people didn't send us here to wage symbolic battles or win symbolic victories. …We cannot play politics at a time when the American people are looking to us to solve problems.”
First, a straw-man argument (something Obama is adept at): why would anyone want to prolong the battle? It's a bogus point. The real point is to win it. The battle lines are drawn over the question of whose immediate economic interests it should be won in favor of
Second, his phrasing gives full permission to the interpretation (which the Republicans will undoubtedly seize with gusto) that the Republicans are not fighting or playing politics, and it would be wrong for me to yield to the temptation to do so. Predictably, he skips on the chance to point out that, in declining to "play politics", he's distinguishing himself from the Republican opposition, to point out that they are doing nothing but playing politics (e.g. via their threat to block all lame-duck legislation such as renewing the START treaty for mutual nuke verification with Russia).
Obama assures us that he reached a compromise, containing elements that everybody could dislike. Yes, the Republicans might dislike the particular flavor of expensive wine they are served, while the "Left" dislikes the battery acid poured in its eyes.
Obama assures us that the tax breaks for the rich will expire in 2 years, but gives no reason whatsoever to believe it. I haven't seen any evidence that the White House made even the slightest effort to decouple the "middle class" breaks from those for the rich -- for example, by establishing that "everyone" agrees that the middle class breaks should be made permanent, and that the only controversy is over the breaks for the rich, so let's now make permanent what everyone agrees should be permanent, and review cuts for the rich in 2 years.
A top priority for the Republicans was to avoid a decoupling, and they got that without a fight -- without even acknowledgement from the White House that it was a potential bargaining point, something they could use for leverage, and to call the Republicans' bluff (exposing them, if they resisted, as *not* committed to the well-being of the middle class, but fiercely committed to the privileges of the rich).
The House vote provided such an opportunity, in a limited way, but the Dems generally have no message machine at all, only a few disconnected parts (voices), while the Republicans maintain their message machine to a high level, well-oiled. (This is, again, related to the vital need for corporate servants in a "democratic" system to lie, to hide, to avoid serious debate, to make noise, to loudly and hypocritically accuse honest opposition of their own most glaring crimes, and to leave nothing in the public interpretation of their actions to chance -- all to sustain the Grand Public Illusion that they're not doing exactly what they are doing.)
Recall that in November 2008 I warned against over-exuberance about Obama's election, warned that Obama would disappoint his most fervent supporters. I could say "I told you so", but he has been so much worse than I expected, I can't take full credit.
From: Malcolm Calder
Date: 7 December 2010 18:23 Subject: Re: Palin Says She Could Beat Obama in 2012 Presidential Election
Obama assures us that the tax breaks for the rich will expire in 2 years, but gives no reason whatsoever to believe it. I haven't seen any evidence that the White House made even the slightest effort to decouple the "middle class" breaks from those for the rich -- for example, but establishing that "everyone" agrees that the middle class breaks should be made permanent, and that the only controversy is over the breaks for the rich, so let's now make permanent what everyone agrees should be permanent, and review cuts for the rich in 2 years.
In this conflict over tax breaks, the Dems had tremendous leverage, but acted as if utterly oblivious to that fact. In policy terms, the Republicans' arguments simply had no credibility, and the Democrats could very easily have exposed them on that point, simply by engaging them in sustained, high-visibility public debate, forcing them to defend their indefensible and transparently dishonest arguments in a public forum -- a debate which they could not have lost either on rational-empirical grounds, or on grounds of public opinion (which was already strongly in their favor and stood to become even more so).
One tool they could have used: the nonpartisan CBO's analysis of 11 policy options for stimulating the economy, which listed extension of unemployment as the #1 most effective, and extending the Bush tax cuts as #11, least effective -- dead last.
Likewise the Republicans' argument that the reason they were absolutely inflexible on extending the tax cutsspecifically for the rich (having voted against them for the under-$250k "middle class" when above $250k wasn't included) was what?
Why did Republicans formally promise to prevent any vital congressional business (such as renewing the START treaty for mutual US-USSR nuke verification) until the rich got their tax cuts extended?
Why? Jobs, jobs, jobs. Workers and jobs. Small businesses and jobs. It would be counter-productive to a recovering economy to increase taxes on the businesses that hire workers, that could increase jobs.
That could so easily have been smacked down, and the Republican publicly shamed for clinging to that argument in all its transparent dishonesty. For example, it could be demanded of them to explain why they were being so militantly intransigent in insisting upon the last-place worst option for creating jobs at a cost of about $75 Billion/year that would not be paid for (increasing the Debt), while dismissing the #1 option as ok, sorta, if and only if it's paid for.
Or the Dems could have called their bluff simply by negotiating an exception for small businesses (something the IRS can perfectly well handle). Simply by this tactic, the Dems could have exposed the Republicans, forcing them onto a very weak footing from which it would be embarrassingly difficult to continue with their intransigence -- and serving notice that we are not going to allow the minority Party to push us around, to run things for the remainder of this Congress -- at least.
But the Dems, with Obama leading the way, have been extremely shy to fight against the Republicans, who have explicitly declared the intention to destroy Obama as a President, and have not been shy in declaring war against Dems and their policy priorities generally. Obama invests heavily on the hope that "a way can be found" to "cut through the noise", but he doesn't understand that he cannot possibly succeed. Why? Because "noise" (along with lies, hypocrisy, misdirection, etc.) is an essential of their strategy. Whose strategy? Those who are determined to destroy him, and with whom he is committed to cooperating in a bipartisan manner.
Whether it's called suicide or homicide doesn't much matter; there will be the corpse.
From: Malcolm Calder Date: 7 December 2010 18:38 Subject: Re: Palin Says She Could Beat Obama in 2012 Presidential Election
Whether it's called suicide or homicide doesn't much matter; there will be the body.
General pattern:
Republicans get Obama to promote bad policy, for which Obama triumphantly (if sometimes somewhat reluctantly) claims "bipartisan" credit. As a result of such bad policy the economy flounders, the masses remain restless and easily demagogued, and the Republicans' high-power message machine successfully maneuvers blame (no credit, just blame) onto Obama, which he barely resists.
Come election time, Obama's supporters are deeply disappointed and discouraged, and stay home. On the Right, however, fervor is high, and the knives are sharp.
In subsequent months and years, Obama ruminates on what he might have done differently. Too late.
P.S. And with the corporate post-Citizens United campaign machinery well developed and legally protected, sensible Americans fondly remember George W. Bush as a pretty moderate guy after all, in retrospect.
From: Malcolm Calder Date: 7 December 2010 18:44 Subject: Re: Palin Says She Could Beat Obama in 2012 Presidential Election
For the sake of clarity, it's worth keeping in mind the difference between complaining and going to war. It's like the difference between lashing out blindly or spasmodically, on the one hand, and having a focused stragegy and the organizational machinery to effectuate it, on the other.
The Dems make some good complaints here and there. The Republicans have a war machine.